Cristian Iscrulescu
University of Southern California
iscrules@usc.edu
 

This paper, couched in the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 1993), has a threefold goal. First, it brings systematic evidence for the previously assumed input representation of Romanian nominals, in particular for the existence of an underlying vocalic ending in superficially consonant-final masculines and neuters. Second, the (non)realization of the covert final vowel is accounted for from a synchronic perspective in terms of constraint interaction between morpheme realization and phonotactic constraints active in the language, according to the schema REALIZE-MORPHEME1 >> PHONOCONSTRAINT >> REALIZE-MORPHEME2. Finally, once it has been established that the representation argued for is adequate, the paper investigates its consequences for the computation of nominal stress in nominal oxytones. It is shown that the superficial absence of the underlying vocalic ending in consonant-final masculine and neuter oxytones obscures the generalization that in Romanian nominals main stress is assigned by building a syllabic trochee at the right edge of the prosodic word. In the absence of a pronounced final vowel in the actual output, the trochee surfaces as subminimal, which leads to non-surface apparent phonological opacity for which the Turbidity approach (Goldrick and Smolensky, 1999) provides an adequate account.