AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO

POLITICAL SECTION

OFFICE OF TRANSLATION SERVICES

INQUIRIES: 03-3224-5360

INTERNET E-MAIL ADDRESS: ustkyots@ppp.bekkoame.or.jp

DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS

Friday, April 16, 1999

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

INDEX:

(1) Minshuto against guidelines-related bills, Yokomichi saying, "We will not easily compromise"

(2) The course of the guidelines-related bills: Questioning "new security arrangements" in local public hearings on new defense cooperation guidelines bills; "Why now?" "The cart has been put before the horse"; Concerns expressed successively from residents of towns that house military bases

(3) Public hearings on guideline bills; Voices of concern and discontent both raised in succession; "Too late to hold hearings" now that talks enter home stretch

(4) 3 years after Futenma agreement—Okinawa bases now (Part 1): Fissure deepens over relocation within Okinawa Prefecture; Pro-heliport group turns out to activate island, anti-heliport group wants to protect safe, peaceful lives

(5) "North American shipping line is choppy" for container ships; Maritime industry requests 50 percent increase in freightage; Consignors opposing proposal, arguing, "It will deal a blow to exports"

(6) Central Government Reform Promotion Headquarters plans to grant "Cabinet Office" the right to advise policies to other ministries and agencies

(7) Commentary on the recent spy boat incident by Yasuhiro Nakasone, former prime minister: Japan lacked a bold response

(8) Associating with the United States (Part 3): Blending in the culture helps break illusions and find one's "self"

ARTICLES:

(1) Minshuto against guidelines-related bills, Yokomichi saying, "We will not easily compromise"

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Full)

April 15, 1999

General Affairs Committee Chairman Takahiro Yokomichi of the Minshuto (Democratic Party of Japan), speaking in a press conference yesterday of how his party would respond to bills to implement the updated Japan-U.S. defense cooperation guidelines, stated: "If our request of revisions of the Government-proposed bills is not accepted, we will oppose the bills. We should not give in to an easy compromise." Given the circumstances that a mood has been growing stronger in the Minshuto calling for making clear its confrontational stand toward the ruling camp due to the parties losses in the first half of the unified local elections, Yokomichi strongly indicated that the Minshuto would not agree to the bills.

The Minshuto has been calling for eight revisions of the bills regarding the definition of situations in areas surrounding Japan, as well as the basic plan to support U.S. forces. The party has insisted Diet approval is required for the entire basic plan, including the mobilizing of the Self-Defense Forces, and in the event of emergencies, ex post facto Diet approval would be allowed.

ASAHI (Page 34) (Full)

April 15, 1999

By the time the Japanese people's cries in favor or against the legislation to implement the Japan-U.S. defense guidelines reached the Diet, the legislation process had already reached the stage of setting the voting timetable for the Lower House. "Such a situation like this is tantamount to putting the cart before the horse." Local public hearings on the bills related to the updated Japan-United States defense cooperation guidelines were held yesterday in Hakodate, Fukui, and Fukuoka. The bills require wide-ranging cooperation from local governments during possible "emergencies in areas surrounding Japan." Those attended the hearings successively registered concern that "once the measures are passed into law, we cannot reject requests for cooperation." Neither of those cities houses U.S. military bases. Some Okinawa residents protested the way the public hearings were held: "Why doesn't the Government hold such a hearing in places where military bases are?"

Over 260 local governments located near military bases have organized the National Conference on Military Bases. Yokosuka City, which houses the U.S. Navy's strategic base for the region, is in charge of managing the secretariat of the group. A source related to Yokosuka City complained, "What is happening is tantamount to putting the cart before the horse." The Council repeatedly called on the Government to reveal the contents the bills hypothesize. However, it only received replies in writing twice last June and this February.

He added: "The bills should have been sent to the Diet after hearing views of local governments. It is too late to hold public hearings at this stage. Is there room for the voices of local residents being reflected in those bills?"

Kanagawa Prefecture houses the second largest number of U.S. military bases, following Okinawa Prefecture. Fukio Kaneko, a Sagamihara City Assembly member and a member of "Rim Peace," a citizen's organization that keeps watch over U.S. military bases, remarked, Trying to pass the bills without revealing specific cooperation items local governments are likely to be required to render is tantamount to putting the cart before the horse. Holding public hearings at a time when an outlook for passage of the bills are in sight is nothing but inventing an alibi to explain that "local residents' opinions have been consulted.'"

Aiko Otsuka (50 years old), a member of the national organization "Women and Democracy Club," which has continued signature-collecting campaign to oppose the bills and lobbying activities toward the Diet, underscored, "We cannot understand holding public hearings just for the sake of preparing a precondition for Diet voting. The matter is not such that can be quickly settled so that the Prime Minister can bring it to the U.S. as a souvenir. The Government should start discussion, spurred by the determination of doing it over again at a central public hearing."

* * * * *

When the situation on the Korean Peninsula strained over the suspected nuclear development (in North Korea)," the USFJ asked for the use of Japan's facilities, hypothesizing a possible emergency there. Those facilities, such as airports and ports, are located mainly in Kyushu and Okinawa. At a public hearing held in Fukuoka, a briefing was given on what happened to the city, when the Korean War broke out and the city was used as a "frontline base" for the USFJ. Residents attended the hearing voiced concern one after another over the possibility of their local government's being asked to render cooperation during emergencies in areas surrounding Japan.

Motohei Ishikawa, former chairman of the Okinawa Teachers' Union, expressed concern about cooperation local governments and the private sector will likely be asked to render. Quoting an instance from the revised Special USFJ Site Measures Law, he projected a sense of alarm, "The present bills do not contain any retaliatory measures against local governments' rejecting cooperation. However, once they are passed into law, it is only a matter of time that they will be revised so that a penalty clause can be incorporated."

A prefectural citizens' rally was held in Okinawa only recently, seeking the scrapping of the bills. Norinobu Yamauchi, former head of the Cashiers' Department of the Prefectural Office, who is one of the organizers of the rally, criticized the way deliberations are being propelled. He said, "The new guidelines will have the greatest impact on the lives of people on Okinawa, because it houses many U.S. military base facilities. A public hearing should be held in Okinawa as well." He continued in severe terms, "If private-sector ports and airports are used in wartime, then it would indeed be the reenactment of the battle of Okinawa."

(3) Public hearings on guideline bills; Voices of concern and discontent both raised in succession; "Too late to hold hearings" now that talks enter home stretch

MAINICHI (Page 2) (Excerpt)

April 15, 1999

The Lower House Defense Guidelines Special Committee held public hearings in three cities yesterday to gauge public views on the bills related to the Japan-United States defense guidelines.

Fukuoka – Concern about use of airports and ports

The Kyushu district is considered to suffer damages directly when an emergency occurs on the Korean Peninsula. Fukuoka, its key city, is the electoral district of Taku Yamasaki, who chairs the Lower House Defense Guidelines Special Committee. Reflecting its geographical conditions, residents there have taken a growing interest in the Japan-U.S. defense cooperation arrangement. Since the guideline bills include no provision on what type of cooperation local governments in Kyushu should offer in times of emergency, voices expressing serious concern were heard in succession.

Yamasaki also attended and chaired the hearing. Hiroshi Isayama, a lawyer living in Fukuoka City, vividly talked about his experience about 50 years ago: "Fukuoka Airport and Hakata Port, the core metropolitan functions, may be used by the U.S. military forces in an emergency in areas near Japan. In the Korean War, Fukuoka City was used as the front line of the U.S. forces and turned to be like a scene of battle."

Former Okinawa Prefectural Board of Education chairman Ishikawa stated, "We must not be deceived with the word 'rear-support district'. In war, the front line tends to be transferred constantly. In such a case, Okinawa might become the most dangerous district." Chairman Tominaga at the Nagasaki and Sasebo Office of the Japan-U.S. Society" expressed his alarm about a possible Korean Peninsula emergency, saying, "It is necessary to prepare measures assuming that a large number of refugees may flow out of the Korean Peninsula."

Focusing on criticism of the air strikes against Yugoslavia by the NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) forces, Kyushu University Graduate School Professor Yabuno said, "Japan's foreign policy is basically inconsistent with the U.S.', which is extremely nervous about human rights. So discussion should be conducted first on for what political purpose Japan should offer cooperation, instead of taking the stance that Japan should provide any kind of cooperation in a dispute." He thus made a suggestion on the Government's foreign policy. Only a few participants expressed total support for the bills.

Hakodate – Sensitive, intertwining the issue with draft ordinance requiring foreign warships to show non-nuclear documents before visiting ports

In Hakodate, Hokkaido, a draft ordinance requiring foreign warships to show non-nuclear documents before visiting ports, which was submitted to the assembly, is now held certain to be scrapped, but moves are afoot to resubmit the bill. Hakodate Peace Committee Chief of Secretariat Kano Sato, who led the movement for the legislation, stated, "Once the guideline bills are enacted, Hakodate, known as an international city, might not be able to draw in tourists."

There are other local governments that are willing to introduce a similar ordinance, but the movement in Hakodate is "the most radical case" (Minshuto official). That is because it has revealed the intent of asking foreign ships directly to show non-nuclear documents and because it is willing to stipulate that it will never provide facilities and business cooperation in case the purpose of activities runs against our peace principle.

Part-time professor Yonekura at Hokkaido University of Education stated, based on the stance of supporting the ordinance legislation, "The private sector has promoted international exchanges, supported by the municipal governments. Local governments have also been vested the diplomatic right."

Reacting to this remark, Tomakomai Komazawa University Professor Hiromichi Muromoto, a former senior Self-Defense Force officer, refuted, "In extreme terms, such a view might develop into the argument that "(a ship carrying nuclear weapons) should go to its neighboring city. When local communities consider foreign and security affairs, inconsistent points tend to appear." Full professor Kentaro Ono at Nippon University opined, "Emotionally, I agree with Mr. Sato, but since this is a matter of foreign affairs, we need also to assume the stance of believing in the U.S., which does not seek prior talks on the Security Treaty (necessary in case a ship carries nuclear weapons)."

On the defense guideline bills, Memuro said, "The bills are necessary, in order to maintain deterrence and crisis management and should be enacted as soon as possible." Rakuno Gakuen University Professor Ota refuted this, "This argument is to control Japanese society jointly by the SDF and U.S. forces mobilizing local governments and even citizens."

Fukui – unidentified ships casting shadow

The inclusion of North Korean spy ships into Japanese waters has heightened the tension around the Sea of Japan. There are 15 nuclear power plants along the coastline about 60 kilometers west of Wakasa Inlet. The residents are worried about the possibility that "a missile will be launched against the power plants." A Korean Peninsula emergency weights heavily upon their minds.

Views in the public hearing were divided into those "emphasizing deterrence" and those "focusing on dialogue." A statement representing the first group is that "the bills are important as a means to enhance deterrence against a possible Korean Peninsula emergency" (Fukui Prefectural University Assistance Professor Shimada). One representing the latter is "nuclear power plants certainly become the target of a missile attack in case of emergency. Peace diplomacy is the only way to secure safety, so promoting dialogue is necessary" (Tsuruga City Atomic Power Council member Kiyoshi Yoshimura).

Concerning local governments' cooperation, those focusing on deterrence take the view that "because local governments are placed under the central government, they naturally should accept responsibilities." The other group argues, "A request for a local government's cooperation will involve the mobilization of residents. As the bills include no provision to apply the brakes, I oppose the bills." Both groups' conclusions are quite opposite, though they harbor the same anxiety.

Iwao Kobayashi, a journalist, pointed out that "the unidentified ship incident has heightened a sense of alarm among the residents. It is too late to hold public hearings." Otohiko Endo (New Komeito and Kaikaku Club member) replied, "I was moved by the feelings of those living along the Sea of Japan. I would like to do my best so that their feelings will be reflected in the bill-revision talks.

ASAHI (Page 37) (Slightly abridged)

April 13, 1999

In an effort to reduce the intensive location of U.S. military bases on Okinawa, the Japanese and U.S. governments agreed on April 12 three years ago to return the site of Futenma airfield, a U.S. military facility in the city of Ginowan in the middle part of the main island of Okinawa. The two governments then agreed to implement "overall reversion in 5-7 years." However, its precondition in terms of "relocation to another site in Okinawa Prefecture" has been a difficult problem. And even now, there are still no prospects for the airfield's reversion or relocation. In the meantime, Masahide Ota, the prefecture's former governor in the forefront of moves for base reduction, was defeated in the prefecture's gubernatorial election in November last year. Furthermore, the Japanese and U.S. governments, which have now updated their guidelines for bilateral defense cooperation, are moving ahead to reinforce the two countries' security alliance. As seen from such facts, Okinawa and its environs have changed. What has changed and what has not changed in Okinawa base issues over the past three years?

<<<>>>

Tsuken-jima is a small island with a population of about 700, floating off the Yokatsu peninsula that stretches out to the east of Okinawa's main island. This small island's inhabitants—mostly living on both farming and fishing—are now wavering over the planned relocation of Futenma airfield's functions.

At the end of last year, a main island construction company's chief executive officer and a former Okinawa prefectural assembly member with the Liberal Democratic Party advocated reclaiming a foreshore of the Yokatsu peninsula to construct a heliport for Futenma as well as a maintenance service workshop for commercial airlines. They stressed this idea would not only resolve the Futenma problem but also create more jobs for locals.

Masahide Ota, the predecessor of Okinawa Prefecture's Governor Keiichi Inamine, rejected the central government's proposal of Futenma relocation to another site in the island prefecture. But Inamine opted for it. So, his advent became a tailwind to local business community people desiring development projects.

Early this year, another local of the island, Shinsei Matsune, 42, who now manages a construction firm in the mainland prefecture of Chiba, went on a campaign to induce a heliport to his home island of Tsuken-jima with his proposition of reclaiming the island's east shore. The island people's opinion was divided up into arguments for and against it. One of the locals said, "I would accept the heliport. Instead, I want a bridge connecting this island and the main island over there. If we have a bridge, our island will be activated." And, pro-heliport fishermen were expecting government compensation. On the other hand, anti-heliport people were worried about possible environmental disruption and noise pollution that could affect their fishing and farming lives. Eijun Koura, a 74-year-old fisherman of Tsuken-jima, is satisfied with his lifestyle, saying: "They're saying they want to enrich this island. I can understand that. But even now, this is good enough to live on. Do you think young people will come along to settle down in a place where the noise of helicopters is terrible?"

Tsuken-jima was a theater of the Battle of Okinawa. It is still vivid in the old folks' memories. The problem of constructing an alternate base is not a mere political issue. It presses the island's people with a fundamental question, asking: "What kind of life do you choose to live?"

The government has yet to study the idea of constructing a base on the small island of Tsuken-jima. In addition to this idea, there are now about five more plans in other local communities to induce heliport construction. Construction industry and other local business community people in the prefecture of Okinawa are positive about heliport construction, and people feeling uneasy about their livelihood follow them. On the other hand, people trying to protect their safe and peaceful lives are crying out against heliport construction in their places…

In December the year before last, the city of Nago held a referendum of its citizens over the propriety of accepting an offshore heliport. As a result, the anti-heliport group turned out with a majority of votes over the pro-heliport group. And eventually, Governor Ota's clarification of his opposition to the government's offshore heliport plan settled the heat-up of arguments for and against it.

Meanwhile, however, the city's pro-heliport residents, who were insisting on accepting heliport construction in exchange for economic development measures, were divided. In addition to people hoping for the government's sea-based heliport plan, there were people proposing to reclaim the ocean area off Camp Schwab, a U.S. military base stretching over the city and other local municipalities, and construct an airport for the U.S. military's joint use with local communities.

One of them, Katsuo Shimabukuro, 60, says, "A sea-based heliport can be removed if we don't need it. In the case of reclamation, however, we can use it later as a commercial airport." Shimabukuro worked together with Okinawa Prefecture's largest construction company to create a heliport blueprint, and presented it to the prefectural government.

The city's anti-heliport group has not stopped its campaign. The group's anti-heliport conference, which promoted the group's anti-heliport campaign in the municipal referendum, is going to file its anti-heliport petition with the prefectural government next month at the earliest, since the pro-heliport group is now moving ahead to "invite" heliport construction.

Haruki Arashiro [or Shinjo], 64, who represents the group's anti-heliport conference, has set forth his mixed feelings: "The referendum of citizens was mainly for the purpose of struggling against the central government. Now, there are louder calls among some people here in our prefecture for heliport construction. So, it's not easy to conduct a campaign against it…" The fissure in the community remains wide.

The Futenma airfield is right in a densely populated area of Ginowan City. On April 12, the city's mayor, Seiko Higa, met the press at the city's municipal government office, and stated: "We can't wait even a moment to get rid of the crisis. I hope that the government will obtain some prospects for reversion within the current century and will determine where to relocate." In his mayoral election campaign the year before last, Higa opposed Futenma's functional relocation within the prefecture. In the press conference, however, the mayor added: "Wherever to relocate, it doesn't matter." After the press conference, Mayor Higa sent his message in writing to the media. The message went: "In the face of a crisis, I have to think of accidents that could happen. Yet, I cannot mention anything about where to relocate. I hope the media will understand this." With this, the mayor showed his dilemma.

On the 9th of this month, Chief Cabinet Secretary Hiromu Nonaka visited Okinawa. Nonaka there met the press on the 10th. Asked about the Futenma problem, Nonaka remarked: "I know there are moves in the prefecture to invite an alternate base. I hope Governor Inamine will display his leadership to resolve this problem. We won't push for anything without local consent."

Touched off by U.S. servicemen's rape of a local schoolgirl, a base-reduction campaign spread all over the southernmost island prefecture of Okinawa. In the wake of this movement, Tokyo and Washington agreed to Futenma reversion, which was a gift to Okinawa suffering from the bases there. However, some of those concerned are now feeling that the precondition attached to Futenma reversion—in terms of relocation elsewhere within the prefecture—was even more poisonous than presumed.

[Shunichi Kawabata, Local News Section, & Teijiro Katsura, Naha Branch Bureau]

(5) "North American shipping line is choppy" for container ships; Maritime industry requests 50 percent increase in freightage; Consignors opposing proposal, arguing, "It will deal a blow to exports"

SANKEI (Page 1) (Excerpts)

April 7, 1999

Sparks are flying between the maritime industry and consignors – export-oriented companies and trading companies – over the freightage of container ships that carry their goods, such as cars, exported from Japan to North America. The United States is to carry into effect in May a new law of admiralty (1998 Ocean Voyage and Maritime Shipping Reform Act), which is aimed at creating a free and competition-oriented environment, by weakening the binding power of its officially approved price cartel system. In conjunction with this move, shipping companies have fallen in step with one another in applying for a 50 percent increase in the present freightage. Companies – consignors – are strongly reacting to the proposal, arguing, "The margin of the proposed rise is abnormally large. It will put great pressure on our earnings."

Shipping lines' requests for a rise in container freightage include: (1) an increase in unit freightage (per40-feet container) of a container ship from Asia, including Japan, to North America; and (2) additional 300 dollars for peak season of Christmas shipments starting from June to November.

There are two kinds of container freightage: (1) tariff freightage applied to customers in general, which is equivalent to price tags department stores use; and (2) service contract freightage applied to creditworthy corporate customers. Freight charges of both categories are subject to a rise. If an increase in such charges takes place, a unit price applied to household electric appliances (now approximately 3,500 dollars), a key freight charge segment, would jump to 4,800 dollars.

For consignors, "freightage holds the largest share in the cost price of their products, exceeding 10 percent. A large increase of as much as 50 percent is extremely unusual. It will considerably destabilize our profits" (Katsutoshi Suzuki, Manager of the Transport Department of Marubeni Corporation). They are taking a stance of not making concessions easily.

Shipping companies' bullish stance is backed by the current situation of the maritime transport industry, in which the demand and supply of container ships are so tight that consignors have to wait for containers to become available. Freightage for North America-bound cargoes has increased by more than 20 percent over the past year. As a result, they industry has succeeded in raising charges by 300 dollars. However, the average freightage is even now lower than the level marked in 1995, when cutthroat competition occurred, by over 1,000 dollars.

This situation is likely "to continue until the end of next year" (major shipping line). The target shipping lines has in common is to "raise freightage to the level of 1995" (same source).

In an effort to raise freight charges, shipping lines are acting in concert. They are rejecting any requests to hold negotiations with consignors to discount freight. The Japan Consignors Association composed of export-oriented companies and trading houses makes the negotiation stance of shipping lines an issue, arguing, "The measure they are trying to adopt is inconsistent with the intention of the new admiralty law of the U.S., which aims at promoting market principles." In addition, they are alarmed that "if a sellers' market continues, competition between companies that are members of the price cartel and those that are not might weaken. They may strengthen united action." The Transport Ministry is to submit a bill amending relevant laws so that they can become able to give orders to "suspend" or "change" the price cartel, which has an undue impact on consignors. It intends to keep a watchful eye on how the matter will develop. However, regarding negotiations on an increase in freightage this time, the Ministry intends to remain noncommittal for the time being the argument being, "Those negotiations are talks on conditions on commercial transactions. The situation does not require administrative intervention."

(6) Central Government Reform Promotion Headquarters plans to grant "Cabinet Office" the right to advise policies to other ministries and agencies

NIHON KEIZAI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged)

April 15, 1999

The Central Government Office Reform Promotion Headquarters (headed by Prime Minister Obuchi) decided yesterday to grant the "Cabinet Office" (Naikaku-fu), which will be established under the central government office reorganization plan that starts in January 2001, the "advisory right" to implement, change, or suspend policies to other ministries and agencies. The major purpose of this decision is to strengthen the leadership of the Cabinet by raising the level of the Cabinet Office to allow it to control administrative sections. Another reason for the decision is to eliminate the evils of the vertically fragmented administrative system. The authority will be included in a bill to implement the central government office reform plan, which the Government aims to get Cabinet approval for on the 27th.

The Cabinet Office is a new organization to be established by integrating the current Prime Minister's Office, Economic Planning Agency and Okinawa Development Agency. The new office will be in charge of policy-making in 14 areas, including the Okinawa problem, financial issues, economic and fiscal policy measures, science and technology policy and the issue of sexual equality. The office also will be tasked with comprehensive coordination within the government.

The Cabinet Office also will be allowed to recommend policies to other ministries through the chief cabinet secretary or special ministers, as well as to propose policies to the prime minister.

If the Cabinet Office judges that it would be appropriate for another agency to coordinate policy, it will designate that agency to play the center role in such coordination. That designated organization will not be able to advise. If disarray is detected among ministries, the Cabinet Office will take a coordinating role.

(7) Commentary on the recent spy boat incident by Yasuhiro Nakasone, former prime minister: Japan lacked a bold response

SANKEI (Pages 1 & 3) (Full)

April 3, 1999

On the question of protecting our national sovereignty, the recent intrusion by North Korean operative boats into Japanese waters has made us realize the need for a drastic review of the previous measures taken so far in dealing with this sort of incident. Specifically, we need to reconsider what the Government has so far overlooked in dealing with this sort of incident and the moderate measures taken by the Government. We also need to greatly probe into the climate of public opinion that opposes the use of weapons out of mere habit and the tendency to try to reach compromise settlements. It's high time for us to do some clear thinking, focusing on measures for deterrence and prevention, and then to take effective measures, looking toward the future.

Similar intrusion incidents have taken place occasionally in the past, and they include the abduction of Japanese citizens [by North Koreans] and [North Korean] operatives' infiltrating into our country. Rumor has it that North plotted the intrusion incident that occurred recently, judging that Japan has become less alert and decisive in dealing with such. They then openly sent large operative boats into waters near Japan and let them communicate with their fellow spy agents in Japan using radio waves. Also it is rumored that this intrusion was seen by the North as a litmus test to see how Japan would react to it in the midst of debates on the emergency legislation for updated Japan-United States defense cooperation guidelines now going on in Japan.

According to the Sankei Shimbun, the recent intrusion incident caused by [North Korean] spy boats was a feint operation. While kicking up a fuss in the Sea of Japan, the North successfully brought dozens of operatives into Japan.

They were bold enough to let mid-size operative boats openly intrude into our waters and let them continue cruising there. Why could they do so? That is presumably because they are making light of Japan, which has been so far too easy in dealing with such a case. To my regret, the response made this time by the Government was not necessarily satisfactory, either.

First of all, the spy vessels successfully fled the area. In Sweden, the military dropped a bomb on an unidentified submarine that intruded into that country's waters around April 1983. The submarine was rumored to be a Soviet nuclear-powered craft. Even Sweden, a neutral country that professes pacifism, reacted boldly. The Republic of Korea (ROK) recently attacked and sank a North Korean submarine that intruded into the ROK waters. My intention here is not to say, "Sink it to the bottom," but in order to protect national sovereignty and secure the safety of the nation, we must be stern and imperative in taking action.

In the meantime, it is only natural that in order to extend humanitarian cooperation or to bring the other side into the international community, we should be sincere toward it and adopt a flexible policy, if circumstances permit. Japan has never made a clear distinction between these two approaches but instead has mixed them up.

In dealing with this intrusion incident, the Government took maritime security action at 12:50 a.m. on March 24, but if the timing for doing so had been instead on the morning of the 23rd, it might have stopped [North Korean spy boats] from fleeing. It seems the recent North Korean spy boats were the same type as that of a ship photographed last August by Japanese officials in the East China Sea on suspicions of narcotics smuggling. Press reports said that already on the 21st, suspicious (spy) vessels were spotted and monitored by authorities concerned. But if the authorities had been firmly determined never to allow the boats to run away, they could have done so by working closely with the Maritime Safety Agency (MSA), the Maritime Self Defense Force (MSDF) and the Air Self Defense Force (ASDF). They would have had time enough to ready themselves to do so. And they would not have resulted in stopping the chase because of running out of fuel, not to mention the slow speed of the MSA patrol boat. They also could have had in readiness everything, such as implements needed to halt boats, tranquilizing bullets, coloring bullets and the like.

The root cause of the failure, I think, is that our country's officials concerned were not firm in stopping the boats from fleeing or capturing them at a time when the incident took place. This attitude is a reflection of the safety-first principle that has been traditionally taken over by central government officials concerned, thereby delaying a decision.

What the recent incident has brought to light is such problems as interpretations of laws and ordinances necessary to stop or capture break-in vessels, slow-footed central government offices in giving orders, insufficient authority granted to security forces, a lack of weapons and equipment to use and insufficiency in cooperation among various government offices. Patrol and escort ships are not necessarily solely held to blame even though they made blunder in dealing with the incident this time.

If a riot or a disturbance arises in a country nearby Japan, a mass of people will be reduced to refugees. And in peacetime, 3,000 or so Japanese fishing boats at a maximum as well as almost the same number of foreign fishing boats are at sea. If small, mid and large-sized spy boats creep into them, it is difficult indeed for a large vessel to cruise well among them to spot spy boats. In 1970, when I was in the position of director general of the Defense Agency (JDA), I approved the 4th-term defense power consolidation plan. Following the Italian Navy's precedent, I planned to deploy a 200-ton torpedo boat of 40 knots or more each in the Maritime Self Defense Force (MSDF) bases. The Italian Navy deployed this sort of boat in the Adriatic Sea and other waters to handle refugees fleeing from Albania and other countries nearby. Their aim was to assault an enemy's large vessel by torpedoes. But this 4th defense power consolidation plan to date has never been fully implemented.

Danger on our landed territory, for instance, may come from surprise attacks by guerillas or organized underground groups targeting nuclear power plants, air traffic control towers, U.S. forces bases and the like. When tensions are mounting in the international community, we, in case of a contingency, must consider how to protect points of vital importance for us.

All these things are problems that should be dealt with by police force, but some of them may not be coped well with only that means. Even so, they are not seen as cases that require orders for the SDF to be mobilized. In the case of a catastrophe, we can cope with it under the Disaster Measures Basic Law, but we cannot do so in the case of security-related incidents as earlier mentioned.

We thus need to legislate for special measures to cover cases that are not well dealt with either under the present Police Law or the provisions for mobilization of the SDF for security purposes. Essential is to set up a system of cooperation between the National Police Agency (NPA) and various government offices, as well as to prepare laws in order to prevent, constrain and deal with an incident of this sort after its occurrence. This sort of incident may be seen as a situation subject to ground security action.

The present security system, however, is not enough to deal with various sorts of situations that may happen. We thus need to enact a "law for territorial security" (tentative name) and to set up a regional security structure to cover Japan's territorial land, waters and air space and areas nearby. This is also a pressing issue no less than emergency legislation, debates on which are now going on. Some sings are seen of trying to form a manual for joint effort to be made among various government offices under the existing system, but such a manual will never suffice. Those who are promoting such a move are not aware of how serious the problem is even now and also in the future. Easy-going steps are never effective.

[Under the territorial security law], we have to prepare territorial security systems, organizations, equipment in central and regional government offices and authority to be granted to central and regional government offices so that a cooperative setup linking one government office to another will function perfectly. Procedures, such as making a report to the Diet or giving explanations to the Diet, also should be included. Furthermore, we need to take into consideration cooperation with other countries, for instance, with the U.S., our ally, and the Republic of Korea (ROK), our friendly neighbor.

Now, let me show you my idea. Under the territorial security law (tentative name), a territorial security headquarters headed by the prime minister would be set up with the chief cabinet secretary as an assistant to the prime minister. In addition, a cooperative conference will be established that will consist of various ministers from the ministries of foreign affairs, defense agency, transport, agriculture-forestry-fisheries, justice, home affairs, health and welfare and also the NPA director general and the MSA director general. A ministry in charge or officers in charge will be increased in number as occasions arise. It is possible to set up, depending on circumstances, a regional ground defense force headquarters -- for instance, a Sea of Japan ground defense force headquarters under the territorial security headquarters.

Items up for consideration for the territorial security law (tentative name) are as follows:

1. Recognize a situation and set up a countermeasures headquarters

The transport minister or the NPA director general will ask the Prime Minister to recognize a situation. If the situation is so pressing that it is difficult to follow this step, the Prime Minister, without waiting for a request coming from them, can recognize the situation as one subject to territorial security and establish a territorial security headquarters (TSH). The Prime Minister will specify all or a portion of the territory as an area subject to territorial security action, which is a kind of police activity.

2. Territorial security action

In implementing territorial security action, the Law concerning Execution of Duties of Police Officials should be applied to SDF personnel. But using weapons is allowed if only there is a rational judgment on the following cases:

1) Protection of oneself and other officials who together with oneself perform the duties or protection of one's live as well as lives of such officials.

2) Protection of facilities where one is on guard duty.

3) Protection of weapons and other items.

When ground security action and maritime security action are in operation, if the prime minister judges it necessary to do so, the NPA director general, the JDA director general, and the transport minister can order each prefectural police, the MSA or SDF troops and other forces to use weapons against those who do not follow orders given by our side. In such a case, using the same firearms as those used by MSA patrol boats or below that level is in general allowed.

3. Request for cooperation

Chiefs of concerned administrative bodies, under laws and ordinance, can ask heads of local public bodies and civilians to cooperate, if necessary.

4. Diet report

When the Prime Minister judges a situation to be subject to territorial security action and takes the action, he must report without delay such to the Diet.

5. Request for concerned countries' cooperation

In case the Prime Minister judges it necessary to ask for cooperation from concerned countries, he is to order the foreign minister to swiftly provide information to concerned countries and to ask them for cooperation, if necessary.

The MSA and the MSDF should deploy more armed boats, prepare gun light weapons or weaker level of weapons, deploy implements effective to capture or stop the enemy side and give special training to personnel. The MSDF needs to fortify the cooperative strategy between the P-3C patrol planes and helicopters and also to deploy more early warning aircrafts and other planes. The Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF) should have a wide range of weapons and reinforce mobility including that of armored fighting vehicles. There is the need to quickly engage in studies of how to operate helicopters for protection of facilities.

Furthermore, the Government needs to constantly give the entire nation sufficient explanations about the need for security action and promotion of cooperation from each region. Also it needs to constantly call on each region for cooperation. Casual countermeasures are useless once this sort of situation breaks out.

The above is a mere draft proposal. I hope this proposal will serve as a major topic for discussion among the people.

(8) Associating with the United States (Part 3): Blending in the culture helps break illusions and find one's "self"

ASAHI (Page 1) (Full)

April 15, 1999

America has always been appealing to Japanese people. Once we enter that magnetic field, our eyes are glued. But if one can break away from the vision of America that is in our hearts, we can see ourselves in outline.

In 1964, the Tokyo Olympics were held. That year, the Justice Ministry began to take statistics on Japanese tourism. To date, a total of 65 million Japanese people have traveled to America. Hawaii, Disneyland, Broadway … America is the most popular destination among Japanese tourists.

? ? ?

In 1990, Japan was still enjoying the inflated bubble economy. That year, one young Japanese man took top prize for the first time in the New York "Battle of the DJs World Competition," a gateway to a successful career for hip-hop musicians.

Katsuhiro Honda (33) is known as "DJ Honda." He is now a popular hip-hop producer who has sold nearly 200,000 albums in America. Says a black man swinging to music in a New York record store: "DJ Honda and Honda automobiles. Japanese Hondas are great."

DJs rub back and forth the surface of records to create noises in rhythm. Rappers rap politics and other social events to music. They are all hip-hop. Blacks and Hispanics living in New York invented hip-hop in the late 1970s.

Back then, Honda was a junior high school student in Fukagawa City, Hokkaido. He was a typical Japanese student crazy about playing a rock guitar. He admired The Deep Purple, a British rock band, simply because he erroneously believed it was an American group. He had a misconception that everything English was American. Dropping out of high school, he moved to Tokyo in 1982. He encountered hip-hop when he was working at a disco.

"Made in U.S.A. is great. If I go to America, I can do anything I want."

He sent an application to the world DJ contest. "You think you have a chance?" his friend said in disbelief. His parents protested, "Foreign countries are dangerous." In his first attempt, he did not make even to the semifinals. In his second challenge in 1992, he won the second place. In 1994, he moved to America, alone.

Last fall, he founded a record company in Manhattan. Top-rated American artists volunteered to make albums produced by Honda.

? ? ?

An increasing number of Japanese people are experimenting in diversity in America. One way is to dive into American culture to experience America firsthand.

Miki Sakaguchi, 38, developed an interest in jazz and blues when he was in high school. Subsequently, she moved to America to bathe in black music. Settling down in a white neighborhood in New York, she made a living for a while by singing at jazz bars and other places. She then moved to Harlem to personally get the feel of black music. She has been singing gospel as a member of a choir for six years now.

The deeper she goes into black culture, the more difficult it becomes for her to climb over the wall. One neighbor opened up to Sakaguchi, while the other lashed out on her: "You are not black. Why are you singing gospel with us in Harlem?"

"I don't want to draw a line and give up my life here simply because I am Japanese. I want to sympathize with American ideas instead of merging with or accommodating myself to their values."

Her original plan was to return to Japan in three years. She has been in America for 11 years now.

? ? ?

Honda remarks:

"My motto is to taste America. I will absorb only good things and spit out the rest. There is no need for me to be overwhelmed by America."

He eats Japanese food everyday. He offers steamed rice and fermented beans to his musician friends because he believes they, too, should try out new things.

Someday he wants to export hip-hop to America from Japan, his home country. He has been staying in America temporarily in order to accomplish that goal.

"I used to believe in the big picture -- bigger than real image -- of America. I was a spectator watching America play. It is now my turn to produce a show."

Breaking the vague American image and illusions one holds is a way to finding one's "self," which is equally vague.