Tuesday, November 30, 1999

AMERICAN EMBASSY, TOKYO

POLITICAL SECTION

OFFICE OF TRANSLATION SERVICES

INQUIRIES: 03-3224-5360

INTERNET E-MAIL ADDRESS: ustkyots@ppp.bekkoame.or.jp

DAILY SUMMARY OF JAPANESE PRESS

Tuesday, November 30, 1999

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INDEX:

(1) Plan to hold "ASEAN Japan meeting" remains stalled; China reluctant to take part; Plan may be switched to private-level exchanges

(2) Foreign Ministry to revise its ODA evaluation system; To assess a project before and during the implementation stage; To introduce indicators to judge aid effectiveness

(3) Interview with MITI Minister Takashi Fukaya on government stance toward WTO; Network encircling U.S. should be laid out over anti-dumping issue; Japan will speak out on "agriculture," including food crisis issue

(4) MITI Minister calls for dealing with labor issue at ILO, disagreeing with U.S. proposal to do so at WTO negotiations

(5) Six months to go before enforcement of Large Store Location Law; Various distributors reviewing their store-opening plans; Life Corporation to freeze its plan for two years; More stores now planning smaller stores

(6) Historical investigation of germ warfare carried out by the former Imperial Japanese Army: Chinese side claims "270,000 people were killed," according to Xinhua News Agency

(7) Foreign Minister remains cautious about renewing special measures agreement at current level of host nation support for U.S. forces in Japan

(8) Okinawa's choice – Developments regarding Futenma (Part 1): Signing a blank letter of trust without knowing the construction method or possible effects

(9) A military base is coming! What is behind Okinawa's choice (Part 2): Firms involving ex-U.S. government officials; Either will pick the winner

(10) A military base is coming! What is behind Okinawa's choice (Part 3 – conclusion): Citizens forced to make a decision on "security alliance"; Nago City's acceptance of a base is now a fait accompli

(11) Interview with Former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto on Okinawa (Part 2): Merging with Kadena, reclamation excluded from beginning

(12) Futemna issue gets moving (Part 1): Government's motives; Hoping to see emphasis placed on Japan-U.S. security alliance; To respect local residents' desires in resolving the pending issue

(13) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: U.S. State Department to launch taskforce to deal with Futenma problem

(14) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: JDA has started work on new personnel appointments; Vice Minister Ema may retire in January

(15) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: Issue of the Agriculture Ministry's unaccounted funds could spill over into the political world

(16) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: Matsuoka, Matsushita control agricultural administration

ARTICLES:

(1) Plan to hold "ASEAN Japan meeting" remains stalled; China reluctant to take part; Plan may be switched to private-level exchanges

SANKEI (Page 2) (Excerpt)

November 28, 1999

A plan to hold a summit meeting in Japan with ASEAN leaders and foreign ministers around next year's Okinawa Summit (Summit of the Group of Eight major countries) has become deadlocked.

The idea of transmitting Asia's views via the G-8 Summit came from Thai Foreign Ministers Surin and Philippine Foreign Minister Siazon during the ASEAN expanded foreign ministerial, held in Singapore this July. Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura then responded positively to the proposal. Consequently, the Foreign Ministry soon began making preparations. However, the ten ASEAN nations are accustomed to holding meetings by turns. In addition, opposition to the plan has surfaced in the Foreign Ministry: "If Japan could not attend the summit, the highlight in the event, such would hurt the feelings of other leaders, who would come all the way to Japan." The plan remains stalled.

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(2) Foreign Ministry to revise its ODA evaluation system; To assess a project before and during the implementation stage; To introduce indicators to judge aid effectiveness

YOMIURI (Page 1) (Excerpt)

November 24, 1999

As part of its review of Japan's official development assistance (ODA) program, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) decided on the 23rd to drastically reform its system of evaluation ODA projects. The ministry until now has assessed the efficacy of ODA projects after they were completed. Now, MOFA will evaluate a project even before it is implemented or while it is being carried out. The ministry has also decided to introduce a system of assessment based on indicators that would express the results of projects numerically. It aims at evaluating all ODA projects though in the past it has assessed only certain projects. It will evaluate projects by country and area. It will implement the new system in fiscal 2000.

Japan has earmarked a total of 1.489 trillion yen for the ODA budget (fiscal 1999). It has been the world largest aid-donor for eight consecutive years (until fiscal 1998). But due to the worsening fiscal situation, popular opinion now favors cutting the ODA budget and seeks more efficient use of ODA. A MOFA taskforce on ODA assessment chaired by Hiromitsu Muta, professor at the Tokyo Institute of Technology, is looking into the specifics of ODA reform. The ministry will announce on the 24th a proposal to discontinue the conventional evaluation system of dispatching experts singly to assess a project two to three years after it is completed. It will check into the project before it is carried out, while it is being implemented, and after it is completed. It will give high consideration to the evaluation conducted while a project is underway. MOFA will revise the initial plan based on conditions in the aid-recipient country, as well as on the environmental impact.

In order to carry out an objective evaluation of ODA programs, the ministry will introduce a system of indicators starting with the preliminary survey and screening stages.

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SANKEI (Page 10) (Full)

November 29, 1999

In the run-up to the "next round of multi-lateral trade negotiations" under the global trade system starting next year, a World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial council will kick off in Seattle, U.S.A., on the 30th. This newspaper asked International Trade and Industry (MITI) Minister Takashi Fukaya about the government 's stance toward the upcoming trade negotiations.

-- Divisions among various member nations remain deep-rooted, as seen in that the presentation of a draft declaration was put off right before the opening of the Seattle conference.

"I attended an informal WTO ministerial conference held (in October) in Lausanne, Switzerland. I there spoke forcefully for our country, relating our position that negotiations should include subjects that are acceptable to the 135 member nations. The conference then tilted toward that direction. However, as a result of talks later held repeatedly between the U.S. and Europe, the U.S. has once again come up with its own position (which is contrary to Japan's). Each country is now insisting on its own position.

-- Japan is strongly calling for reviewing the anti-dumping (AD) agreement.

"The U.S. is abusing the AD agreement. Many countries share Japan's position. We have to lay out a network that encircles the U.S. in order to have it change its stance (of opposing a review of the AD agreement)."

-- Japan and the U.S. are at odds over agricultural issues, the key area of contention.

"The U.S. and the Cairns Group (a group of 14 agricultural exporter nations) are trying to handle farm products in the same way as mined and manufactured products. However, we cannot accept that stance. The world's population stood at 1.7 billion at the outset of this century. It has now expanded to 6 billion. A population explosion is expected to occur in the next century. When thought is given to the point of whether enough food can be supplied to cover the increase, each country should give consideration to the multifunctional aspect (irrigation and environmental preservation) of agriculture."

-- The U.S. economy is now booming. Why is it sticking to the idea of protecting its domestic industries?

"There is a presidential election next year. That has a great influence on its stance. It appears that President Clinton will take part in the conference. Many countries are questioning to what extent he will be able to take the initiative."

-- What is the greatest purpose of the ministerial conference this time?

"First and foremost of all, it is to start up the new round."

-- There is concern that if the worst comes to the worst, the U.S., the host nation, might start it up with agriculture and services alone, over which agreement has already been reached for their inclusion in the list of negotiation items.

"It will not mean that the new round has got off the ground. The priority should be on each member nation being satisfied to some extent. It is necessary to maintain order in trade through powerful WTO rules and develop a sustainable global economy. As a matter of fact, it will be impossible to settle trade issues within a narrow scope (that covers agriculture and services alone)."

-- Isn't it necessary to be alarmed about the possibility of Japan becoming isolated and being made a villain?

"Our assertion is a just an argument. However, we have to be alert to any possibility of being considered selfish or used as a tool to break down the WTO."

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(4) MITI Minister calls for dealing with labor issue at ILO, disagreeing with U.S. proposal to do so at WTO negotiations

SANKEI (Page 10) (Full)

November 27, 1999

The U.S. is now calling for establishing a working group (under the World Trade Organization) for labor problems. In this connection International Trade and Industry (MITI) Minister Takashi Fukaya on the 26th revealed his intention not to agree to the proposal, noting, "Basically, such problems should be handled by the International Labor Organization (ILO)." This is the first time for Japan's Cabinet minister to indicate his stance toward a labor issue.

It appears that his remark was aimed at seeking understanding toward Japan's assertion on agricultural issues, over which Japan and the U.S. are at odds, by coming closer to developing countries, which are strongly repulsing over labor issues.

The U.S. claims that low wages and unfavorable conditions partly account for the low prices of goods manufactured by developing countries. It intends to seek to set up a working group under the WTO for a review of environmental and labor standards so that this issue can be settled quickly under the WTO framework. In contrast, developing countries are counter-arguing the proposal, "Imposing regulations on the grounds of unfavorable labor conditions will lead to protectionism."

The ILO, which MITI Minister named as a setting for such a discussion, has 174 countries as members. In compliance with its four basic principles, such as the abolition of child labor and workers' right of organization, it sets seven basic treaties, which contain the following clauses: (1) forced labor; (2) minimum employment age; and (3) collective bargaining. MITI has so far assumed a cautious stance to the U.S. proposal: "As a matter of course, the ILO and the WTO have different viewpoints over such an issue. Is it relevant for the WTO to take that issue up?" (International Economic Affairs Division). This is the first time for the MITI Minister to publicly announce his view.

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NIHON KEIZAI (Page 11) (Excerpts)

November 26, 1999

With the enforcement of the Large-Scale Store Location Law (LSSLL) now about six months away, moves have surfaced among supermarket chains and specialty stores to freeze store-opening plans for the time being or scale down the size of planned stores so that they will not be subject to the new law. Life Corporation, a major grocery supermarket chain, will place a moratorium on its plan to open new stores for at least two years starting in 2001. Under the new law, large stores are obliged to adopt measures to prevent traffic congestion and to protect the surrounding environment – regulations that may lead to even tigher control over store-openings. Various distributors are now cautious about opening stores.

The LSSLL stipulates that a large store with sales area of over 1,000 square meters must have a parking lot that can accommodate the autos of all customers even at peak times. It sets strict standards for measures to deal with garbage and noise, a factor which is likely to make it especially difficult for new stores to open in urban areas. However, as a transitional measure, the current Large-Scale Retail Store Law (LSRSL) will be applied to store-openings until the end of January 2001.

Life Corporation plans to open 15 stores in 1999 and 12 in 2000. It is enthusiastic about opening more stores, but the company it has judged that it would become difficult after that to open stores in urban areas, where it now mainly operates. During the following two-year moratorium on other store-openings, the chain will work at refurbishing existing stores and expanding sales area. It has hired 400 to 500 college graduates over the past several years, but during the moratorium, it will suspend recruiting.

Seeing that the new law will pose an obstacle to the opening of stores, many other retail stores are trying to open stores ahead of schedule. Ito-Yokado plans to open stores at a pace of ten a year through fiscal 2000. However, at present, it has no plan to open any store in fiscal 2001. Seiyu plans to open about 30 stores in 2000, but it will decrease the number to just over ten in the next year.

A shift to opening smaller stores with sales area of less than 1,000 square meters has started. The move is pronounced among home improvement centers, which are engaged in fierce store-opening competition. Komeri, which is operating in the Hokuriku district, has a plan to open 65 stores by the end of March 2000. Of the targeted number, 57 of the stores will be part of its "Hard and Green" chain, small stores specializing in gardening equipment and hardware. Under the new law, there is the possibility of local governments, which are responsible for applying it, requesting small stores to adopt environmental protection measures. However, a number of home improvement centers take this position: "It will be easier for small stores to work things out through talks with local residents. Therefore, we will be able to open the small stores as planned."

Local governments considering adopting their own standards; Likely to assume stricter stance on "environment" than the government

The reason why various major distributors are taking a cautious stance toward opening stores after the Large Store Location Law goes into effect is they judge that more burdens are likely to be imposed on them in dealing with environmental issues. In addition, some local governments are aiming to map out environmental standards that are stricter than those set by the central government. The Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) is alarmed about such a trend, noting, "If a wide gap appears in local standards, it may invoke criticism from abroad that the LSLL is unfair, as was the case of the LSRSL."

The purpose of the LSLL is to preserve the living environment around large stores. It is to replace the existing LSRSL, which is designed to protect small and medium-size businesses. MITI has already adopted environmental guidelines under the LSLL, which provides numerical standards for the construction of parking lots and for anti-noise measures. Once the law comes into effect, each prefecture and government ordinance-designated city will screen applications for store-openings made by large store owners, based on the government guidelines and its own views.

In the meantime, MITI has taken the view that "it is possible to approve each local government's setting up its own standards, instead of issuing uniform guidelines." This is out of consideration for small and medium-size retail organizations, which claim, "Uniform standards all over the country cannot reflect local situations."

In response, some municipalities, such as Yokohama City and Fukuoka City, will formally adopt their own guidelines possibly at the outset of next year. Yokohama City's position is: "It is not possible to prevent traffic congestion under the government guidelines."

Concerned that local governments might adopt "overly independent policy lines," MITI has begun to give guidance to government ordinance-designated cities, calling for "consultation before drawing up (guidelines)." It also intends to instruct officials in charge at each local government not to apply guidelines that deviate from the law.

An informed source gave this analysis: "The confusion is the result of MITI having repeatedly made vague statements to both sides -- small and medium-size retailers' organizations, which seek the application of the law according to local conditions, and large stores that aim at scrapping regulatory controls."

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(6) Historical investigation of germ warfare carried out by the former Imperial Japanese Army: Chinese side claims "270,000 people were killed," according to Xinhua News Agency

ASAHI (Page 3) (Full)

November 29, 1999

[Beijing, November 28, Chihiro Kato]

The Chinese state-run Xinhua News Agency reported yesterday that during the period 1933 through 1945, bacteriological warfare carried out by the former Imperial Japanese Army stationed in China "killed 270,000 Chinese people at least." This figure was the result of historical investigations made by Guo Chengzhou and other researchers working for the People's Liberation Army's Military Medical and Science Yuan. They referred to huge volumes of documents and testimonies made by survivors, papers related to the Far East International Military Tribunal and also studies on the part of Japanese experts and the results of international conferences, says the news agency.

The Japanese Government has not formally acknowledged there was biological warfare, but Unit 731 headquartered in a suburb of Harbin and other institutions conducted research and development. Plague germs and typhoid bacillus developed there were said to be used in actual fighting.

According to the Xinhua News Agency, in 1933, the former Japanese Imperial Army established a biological warfare strategy base in Wuchange in the Heilongjiang Province. During the 12 years that followed until the end of the war, five units of a total of 20,000 or so troops stationed mainly in Harbin, Changchu, and Nanjing, engaged in germ warfare. Biological weapons were employed in actual fighting in 20 provinces, such as the northeast region and the midland, and 63 spots in autonomous districts in China.

It is difficult, however, to prove whether infectious diseases, such as typhoid, were induced or not, so the task to make a ascertaining the actual damage caused by biological warfare is not easy. Xinhua News Agency comments that because of the huge numbers of soldiers killed by germ warfare, it is extremely difficult to count the exact number.

During World War I, the German Forces carried out germ warfare and since World War II, such warfare has been seen in certain regional disputes. But the germ warfare carried out by the former Imperial Japanese Army "was the largest scale ever and the number of its victims topped the number of people slaughtered in Nanjing (according to the Chinese side's claim, the number of victims reached 300,000 persons)," says the news agency.

Grounds for the figure now under study

Comment by Masataka Mori, chief of the Secretariat for the "Association for Bringing to Light Historical Facts related to Germ Warfare by the Imperial Japanese Army":

"Last week, a Chinese victim (or victims) of germ warfare visited Japan and presented to the Japanese Government a list of approximately 10,000 victims of the warfare that took place in four regions. The death toll is expected to further increase after the counting is completed. We are investigating the grounds for the figure of 270,000 victims."

Victims total 1,000 or so at most

Keiichi Tsuneishi, professor at Kanagawa University who is good on germ warfare by the former Imperial Japanese Army:

"I cannot believe the story unless there is specific evidence to prove they were victims of germ warfare. I am sure the former Imperial Japanese Army tried to carry out bacteriological warfare in China, but considering the evidence left, I think the number of Chinese people who were killed probably totaled 1,000 at most."

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(7) Foreign Minister remains cautious about renewing special measures agreement at current level of host nation support for U.S. forces in Japan

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Full)

November 27, 1999

Visiting U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense John Hamre on the 26th met with Foreign Minister Yohei Kono at the Ministry. In the meeting, he touched on the fact that the special measures agreement that provides for Japan's host nation support for the U.S. forces Japan will expire at the end of March 2001. The Deputy Secretary called for a renewal of the agreement to sustain the current level of assistance from Japan. He remarked, "We hope Japan will give priority to a renewal of the agreement."

In response, Foreign Minister Kono said, "Our economic and fiscal conditions have changed tremendously since the agreement was concluded." The Foreign Minister expressed a circumspect stance about renewing the pact at the current level of host nation support. Instead, he called for lessening the burden.

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(8) Okinawa's choice – Developments regarding Futenma (Part 1): Signing a blank letter of trust without knowing the construction method or possible effects

ASAHI (Page 1) (Excerpt)

November 23, 1999

On the table is a blueprint for constructing a facility in the Henoko district in Nago City to replace the Futenma Air Station.

The plan was drawn up to build a public facility and a fishing port on reclaimed land measuring 66 hectares. A joint-use airport will be constructed three kilometers offshore using the floating-type pier engineering method that requires hammering thousands of steel pipes into the seabed and floating box-type steel units. The offshore airport will be connected with land by two bridges.

The project costing several hundred-billion yen combines a wide range of methods of construction proposed by various contractors.

The Government's scenario is to have Okinawa determine a candidate site first without a fixed construction method or the scale of the base and have Nago City announce its decision to accept Okinawa's proposal. That is the Government's strategy to "settle Futenma before year's end."

Okinawa and Nago City will in effect sign a blank power of attorney without knowing the possible effects on the environment, level of pollution, or other factors.

o n

"We will eliminate any companies that would upset the local from the Government's list of designated contractors." Liberal Democratic Party Deputy Secretary General Hiromu Nonaka so warned to local firms when he visited Okinawa late last month.

Reclamation or going offshore? Confrontation of interests between contractors in mainland Japan and in Okinawa is one factor the Government cannot determine the method of construction. The sea-based method that requires state-of-the-art technology is advantageous to steel or shipbuilding companies in mainland Japan. Local firms are desperate to join the reclamation race.

In the gubernatorial race last fall, Governor Keiichi Inamine opposed the offshore plan and promised to build a joint-use airport on land. Inamine owes his victory to pro-reclamation voters.

The blueprint became even more complex as the pro-offshore group gradually ate away at the Henoko district's sentiments to construct the base as far away as possible. The offshore group now deems: "A majority of local people are now in favor of the sea-based plan. Governor Inamine will withdraw his public pledge."

In late September, an administrative committee composed of Henoko leaders adopted a resolution opposing the ground and reclamation schemes. The resolution can be taken as approval of the offshore plan. The tug of war between the reclamation and offshore groups will soon get into top gear.

The island's northern area called Yanbaru is a rich repository of natural resources. The sea near the Henoko district is in the wildlife sanctuary, according to a prefectural council report produced last year.

Okinawa's population was about 500,000 at the end of the War but that has now grown to 1.3 million. The population of the northern part remains the same at 120,000. The northern area is less developed than the central and southern areas, and there is a gap in the northern area as well. Resort facilities are concentrated on the western coast and the eastern side is losing vigor. In addition, facilities for next year's Okinawa Summit will all be constructed on the western coast.

The central government is pressing Okinawa for a decision, Okinawa is pressing Nago, and Nago the eastern coast. It is a chain reaction of shifting the responsibility to the weak.

o n

Late on November 22, angry anti-base citizens called on Nago Mayor Tateo Kishimoto at his office. A local leader lashed out on the Mayor: "Authorities force the base on the weak by brandishing money. We will block it even at the risk of our lives."

Mixed feelings are prevalent in the pro-base group as well. "Do we have to lock horns again with the anti-base group? We need more jobs, and that's a simple fact. Accepting the base is the only way."

In the local referendum held late in 1997, Nago citizens said 'no' to the offshore base plan. If Mayor Kishimoto intends to overturn that decision and accept the base, he would run a great risk of facing a recall or resignation.

Governor Inamine's brain truster predicted: "This is only a start of scores of problems connected with security and the environment."

Nago assemblyman Yasuhiro Miyazaki, who played a central role in the referendum, also indicated: "There is no way we can settle the issue before year's end. The referee will soon blow the whistle for a new game period to begin."

[Hidetoshi Sotooka, editorial writer, Hirofumi Goto, Naha Bureau]

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(9) A military base is coming! What is behind Okinawa's choice (Part 2): Firms involving ex-U.S. government officials; Either will pick the winner

TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 24) (Full)

November 23, 1999

"Orion biiru o kudasai (I'd like an Orion beer)," said Robin Sakota in Japanese, albeit in a faltering way. He is a former Japan desk director of the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD). He preferred a local beer brewed in Nago City to major brand-name beers available there.

On the night of July 14, a meeting of the Kube Area Development Council was held at a small prefab with a capacity of 10 located east of Nago City along the coast. The meeting place was jammed with the more than 20 residents who had come to the assembly.

Sakota, who weighs more than 100 kilograms, sat on a steel pipe chair in the middle of the room. He drank beer and smacked his lips over the sashimi or raw fish, such as octopus and top shell, which had been caught in the sea before his eyes.

"If an aircraft crashes, we would like it to fall into the sea instead of crashing into a private house," said one resident bluntly. Sakota answered calmly, "That is only natural. I well understand your feelings." He continued: "A sea-based heliport no doubt would cause trouble to you." The meeting went on for three hours.

The development council consists of residents from the Henoko, Kushi, and Toyohara districts, which are near the spot where an alternate facility to replace the U.S. military's Futenma Air Station is planned for construction. These residents are willing to "accept" a sea-based heliport if it is a megafloat-type heliport in the shape of a giant steel floating box that would be installed in waters three kilometers off shore.

Last year, James Auer, a predecessor of Sakota, was invited to a council meeting held in the same prefab.

In the meeting this year, a participant laughingly said: "Mr. Sakota, Mr. Auer was more skillful than you, who are a Japanese-American, in speaking Japanese and using chopsticks." " I hear that if a facility is constructed using the megafloat method, it can have enough space inside to contain both the Naha naval port and the Makiminato supply base. That means it could replace three base facilities. I was really astonished to hear that."

The Tokyo-based Ultra Large Floating System Study Group is a body consisting of 17 firms and one group from the shipbuilding, steel, and other relevant industries with which former DOD officials are connected.

This study group is repeatedly conducting aircraft take-off and landing tests on a megafloat runway 1,000 meters in length and 120 meters in width that is floating in the Tokyo Bay off Yokosuka in Kanagawa Prefecture. A fact-finding mission composed of residents in the Henoko district has visited there several times already.

According to a computer simulation made by Study Group Chairman Mitsukuni Komatsu, an employee of Ishikawajima-Harima Heavy Industries (IHI), the cost of constructing a megafloat-based heliport would be an estimated 500 billion yen.

"Regrettably, however, Okinawa construction companies have argued that only a reclaimed land-based joint-use military and civilian airport would benefit the region. The megafloat method also needs a reclaimed site, so half the project budget will go to the region…."

The general trading house Nissho Iwai is located at Akasaka in Tokyo. It houses a secretariat of the Okinawa Marine Space Utilization Research Association that is pushing for the quick installment pier (QIP) method, a rival of the megafloat method. Its Vice Chairman Hitoshi Ouchi stresses: "The megafloat method has no record of performance. Do they intend to make use of the U.S. forces as a test case?

The association has 19 firms participating in it. Noticeable among them is the leading U.S. weapons maker Raytheon Co., famous as the manufacturer of the Patriot missile. Its Japan office head is Torkel Patterson, former Japan desk director at DOD. He was once on the staff of Jim Auer, who is now a backer of the megafloat method.

The former supervisor and subordinate are now rivals for getting the project. Taking a look at the lists of firms in either of the groups, the megafloat or the QIP, one discovers that as many as 17 firms centering on the defense industry, such as Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Kawasaki Heavy Industries and IHI, are in both groups. Whichever type is adopted, they win.

The question is why are ex-DOD officials backing these methods? An informed source explained: "The aim of the U.S. Government is to bolster Japan's defense industry. They think it is vitally important that Japan keep its defense base for the sake of stability in Asia, " Is the U.S. Government and industry playing the residents in the locality for all they are worth?

[Shigeru Handa]

(to be continued)

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TOKYO SHIMBUN (Page 20) (Excerpts)

November 24, 1999

Yabe Mikio is a member of the Nago City Assembly. He is a big gun in the ruling camp in the assembly. He always carries a written petition with himself.

The petition, bearing the signatures of eight city assembly members including Yabe himself, requests that a joint-use airport by both the military and the private sector be constructed in Nago City to replace the Futenma Air Station. He intends to put it forward shortly as a draft resolution to the City Assembly in order to back up Mayor Tateo Kishimoto after he decides to accept the U.S. military base.

"Two years ago, a plebiscite was held on the sea-based heliport issue, but as a result of the central government gaining the initiative in dealing with the issue, we were defeated by opponents against heliport construction. Nago citizens were split in opinion, but the central government paid no attention to the situation in which we were then placed in. No consideration came from the central government. Now is the turn of Nago citizens to seize the initiative," he says.

He is positive about accepting base relocation but behind this move is his desire to bring to fruition the idea of constructing an airport in Nago City, although until now that idea has been left unheeded with no good prospects for passengers anticipated even if it is constructed. If a joint-use military and commercial airport that enables large jetliners to take off and land is constructed, his long-cherished desire will come true.

"We invited Meio University to our area but regrettably few job opportunities would be created. There is a brain-drain from the northern area. I will do whatever it is – even if I am dubbed a reckless driver – in order to elicit an airport construction plan and economic incentives from the central government," says Yabe.

However, residents in the candidate relocation site have views quite different from Yabe's. The candidate site Henoko district is located on the east coast across the mountain. It takes about 15 minutes by car from the center of Nago City.

This September, the executive committee – the decision-making institution in the district – adopted a resolution opposing 12 to 1 both the reclaimed land-based facility plan and the ground-based facility plan. It said no to a dual-use airport by the military and the private sector but in the form of opposing construction methods. It did not take a vote on the sea-based facility plan.

"It is difficult to oppose to the last ditch what the central government is doing. Should a new facility be constructed anyway, we desire that it be one that will be less destructive to the environment and less noisy and will make us free from worry about accidents. We thus can accept a plan to construct a sea-based facility should it be constructed in waters three kilometers offshore," says district head Soken Kayo [?], who speaks for the residents.

At a time when the central government released a relocation plan, most residents in the Henoko district were opposed to it. After the referendum, a Nippon Telegraph and Telephone (NTT) directory assistance center was set up nearby as part of economic stimulus steps. The center hired 10 persons from the district. A national technical college is also to be established there. Now those favoring construction of a new base outnumber opponents, unlike in the past. One reason may be attributed to efforts made over the past two years by corporate groups planning to build a sea-based heliport to persuade residents [to accept a sea-based heliport plan]. But the central government's conciliator measures should also be taken into account.

"If a joint-use military-commercial airport is established here, how many residents do you think will use it? If an airport is constructed nearby, Henoko instead of Futenma will be a dangerous area in case of a crash. If such a joint-use airport is decided to be set up, we will then oppose it," asserts Kayo.

On the evening of the 15th, when it was reported that "Mayor Kishimoto will respect the voices of people living in the district," a corporate executive pushing for the quick installment pier (QIP) construction method entered Naha, carrying a plat showing a new heliport that could be constructed three kilometers away from the shore. This was done by changing the initial plan in which a new heliport was to be constructed 1.5 kilometers away from the shore. Regional construction companies which planned to build a joint-use military-civilian airport on the coastal area visited the prefectural government to make this appeal: "It is possible to reclaim land from the sea even it is three kilometers away."

The Tokyo-based corporate group promoting the megafloat construction method under which an iron box will be set on the waters three kilometers off the shore now explains that it is possible to construct on the iron box a dual-use airport for military and commercial purposes that needs a long runway. Whichever method is used, each can satisfy seemingly the needs shown by the prefectural government and residents in the district.

Nago City's accepting of the [sea-based] plan is now a fait accompli. The Anti-Heliport Consultative Council consisting of opponents will launch a recall campaign against Mayor Kishimoto when he announces his acceptance of the plan. The seats held by the ruling camp in the City Assembly is 18, while the opposition camp holds 12. To recall the mayor, there is another approach, namely collecting signatures of one-thirds of the voters. But Mayor Kishimoto is too popular among the voters to be recalled through such signatures.

"There is something missing," says Yoshiyuki Nakamura, chief of the Secretariat for the Anti-Heliport Consultative Council. "Is this the question only for Nago City? The central government forces the prefectural government to make up its mind and the prefectural government presses Nago City to make a decision. Don't you think it is strange that only 55,000 citizens of Nago City has to make a judgment on the Japan-U.S. security issue?"

[Shigeru Handa]

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(11) Interview with Former Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto on Okinawa (Part 2): Merging with Kadena, reclamation excluded from beginning

ASAHI (Page 37) (Full)

November 12, 1999

n Alternative plan

-- Wasn't consolidating Futenma into Kadena Air Base once regarded as the optimum choice?

There was such an argument, but I was not totally convinced by it. Kadena was already rendering extra services in terms of air traffic control in relation to Naha Airport. Handing additional vertical take-off and landing aircraft would increase the complexity of air control. As a former transport minister, I deemed such would be quite difficult. In addition, there is rivalry among the different armed forces, as there would be in any country.

n Sea-based plan

-- Is that the reason you looked into the sea-based facility plan?

We encountered tremendous difficulties in pushing ahead with the ground and reclamation plans, so we began thinking that going offshore would be the only option available to us. Then Torishima came into our minds. At one point, we had seriously discussed the floating method in constructing Kansai Airport. Four to five ideas came up in response to my instruction to combine what was discussed.

-- The U.S. also came up with the offshore plan around that period.

Coming to the end of their ropes, people tended to come up with similar ideas. Reclamation is the last thing anyone would think of if that person has some knowledge of waters around Okinawa. Precious marine life exists there. If we construct a large facility there, the current underneath it would be blocked and that would destroy the marine life.

-- Was the reclamation method out of question from the beginning?

I didn't instruct that it should be dropped from the list of options but it was out of the question in my mind. Reclamation was certainly one idea but I calculated that the negative effects would be greater than the positive ones.

n Governor Ota

-- Did you discuss the offshore plan with Governor Ota?

I think I did but I have no precise recollection. I met with Mr. Ota many times, always in an amicable mood, but I cannot recall exactly when I discussed the plan. However, he would never say that he had been kept in the dark.

-- On December 24 you met with Mr. Ota and that was your last session with him.

I advised Mr. Ota to meet with Nago Mayor Tetsuya Higa. When Mayor Higa had called on me previously, he expressed his desire to meet with Governor Ota. I said to the Governor: "You can use my administrative office to have a tete-a-tete with the mayor. Or you could use the Cabinet reception room. In any case, you've got to see him. The prefecture and the city have to discuss the matter first." To my disappointment, the Governor persistently rejected seeing Mayor Higa.

-- What did Mr. Ota say that day?

He indicated that he had yet to make up his mind and that he would call on me in Tokyo when produced his decision.

-- Mr. Ota saw documents of the U.S. Defense Department and of the U.S. General Accounting Office and suspected that the scale and other factors were different from those in the Government's plan.

That's not true. The whole plan would collapse if we alter the scale for a bigger one after an agreement is reached.

-- Later on, Mr. Ota tried to see you but a meeting never took place because of your timetable.

Everyone knows that I was waiting impatiently for Mr. Ota's reply to see me. I urged him to see me "as soon as possible," and I kept waiting.

-- You mean Okinawa avoided you?

I don't know what happened. In the meantime, the media began to report that Okinawa would not lend its ear to the Government's view. The administrative side might have said 'no' when the Governor indicated his desire to see me to deliver an ultimatum. Then again, it was not a matter of sustaining close relations that were cultivated through intensive talks. The Governor must've had his own idea. To tell you the truth, I was seized with helplessness, recalling my meeting with the Governor that numbered over a dozen times.

-- What's happened subsequently?

After leaving public office, Mr. Ota came to see me. I had no hard feelings, and I was happy to see him. With Mr. Ota no longer in office, I felt there was no point of broaching matters from the past. I jokingly said to him, "You promised me you would give me a treat. That promise still stands."

Having bases on Okinawa vital for Asia-Pacific

n Finding alternative site outside Okinawa

-- Was the idea of relocating Futenma to somewhere outside Okinawa, possibly to the U.S., excluded from your options from early on?

Leaders of various other countries, including ASEAN, perceive it as vital to keep the U.S. bases on Okinawa under the existing situation in Asia. We need to look at the issue from the fact that the U.S. forces in Japan provide security to the Asia-Pacific and that this is Japan's way of contributing to regional security. We, of course, gave serious thought to the U.S. military strategy as well. There is a self-centered argument calling for the stationing of U.S. troops in Japan only temporarily to deal with emergency situations as a step to reduce Japan's burden. On the contrary, such would increase Japan's burden because the country has to have enough bases for use by the U.S. forces in emergency situations.

-- Why do the bases have to be on Okinawa?

For instance, how long will it take to come from Guam? In terms of distance, other areas on mainland Japan are conceivable. But Okinawa is important in terms of strategy, nature, and climate. With all sorts of sentiments crisscrossing, though, the people of Okinawa tended to say 'no.'

n Reduction of troop strength

-- How do you view the argument calling for reduction of U.S. troops?

The number of U.S. troops required for world-wide service was derived from a wide spectrum of factors, such as the degree of danger of each region and the propriety of mobilizing U.S. armed forces. The U.S. forces in Japan will, of course, serve for Japan's interests, but they are not here for Japan alone.

-- The Japan-U.S. joint security statement stipulates that the "makeup of troops" and other elements should be discussed between Japan and the United States.

The two countries will, of course, discuss such factors when the time comes. We have yet to reach such a stage. The administrative side must have had concern about whether the U.S. would accept such a clause, particularly because it was released shortly after the Nye report came out.

n Base problem and economy

-- In the press conference on the 25th anniversary of the return of Okinawa, you said it was "sad" when you responded to a question about linkage between the economic stimulus package and the base problem.

If Futenma is relocated to a new site, we will have to think about how to utilize the land previously used as the base. Such would involve more than local capital. In that respect, the two are linked. The press posed the question in a way that the Government was showing off the economic package as bait to the people of Okinawa. That's why I answered to the question bluntly. I really wanted to ask them, "Are you suggesting that the Government should keep its hands off?" The Government is responsible to build a system that can provide security to the people who are living on incomes from the bases.

Man-made isle and preservation of nature

n Term of use

-- Governor Kenichi Inamine has promised to let the U.S. military use the new site for only 15 years. This was his public pledge.

Generally speaking, it is desirable to remove the base as soon as possible. I don't know, however, if we can set a time limit.

-- Can the life of the facility be a matter for discussion?

Such a question would be meaningless if the facility is constructed on land. If the sea were the only option, as was the case I faced, then building a facility lasting only 15 years would be even more difficult.

n Reclamation plan

-- Nago Mayor Tateo Kishimoto and Governor Inamine have removed the offshore plan from their options. That will leave the Government reclamation, land, or a combination of both.

If the people of Okinawa don't mind the destruction of nature, then we can go ahead and adopt the reclamation method. There is another plan, that is, to construct a man-made island 3 kilometers off the coast. The problem is, from where can we bring the aggregate earth and sand necessary to construct such an isle? The option might lead to the destruction of nature.

-- Do you think the Government should make a final decision before the Okinawa Summit next July?

If the Government fails to do so, the issue will be thrown into confusion. The Government should not spoil its relations with the United States or with the people of Okinawa. The Summit is a place for work. No world leader wants the base problem to hijack the attention of the Summit.

n Okinawa

-- What was your first experience to deal with Okinawa?

Bereaved families of students who were on aboard the sunken Tsushima-maru, a ship carrying child evacuees during the War, came to see my father in 1958 or 1959. I was still in elementary school. That night, my father told my brother and me a story about the Tsushima-maru. He said, "In Okinawa, there are many things we don't know." I was second grader when the War ended. Those who died with the Tsushima-maru were all about my age. The incident was etched deeply on my mind.

-- I hear that asked by the LDP, you traveled to Okinawa with Mr. Obuchi, who is now Prime Minister.

I believe it was in the summer of 1965, soon after the then prime minister Sato visited Okinawa. Prime Minister Sato picked six junior lawmakers to take a firsthand look at Okinawa. On mainland Okinawa, we split into two groups. Mr. Obuchi flew to Miyako and I to Yaeyama and Ishigaki. Since then I visited Okinawa numerous times.

-- What was your impression in those days?

Each time, I felt that the trees grew fast. The trees that had been cut down by the rain of shells and were about my height had grown so tall. I no longer had to see burnt rocks or soil. But there still remain scars of the war across Okinawa. In addition, the plane of my cousin on my father's side was shot down. He died near the Spratly Islands. He must have been on a reconnaissance run. He was my favorite cousin. Because he died in October 1944, his name is not even on the peace monument. A large number of people, including those on the battleship Yamato, died prior to the battle of Okinawa. I have mixed feelings.

[Interviewed by Hidetoshi Sotooka, editorial writer]

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(12) Futemna issue gets moving (Part 1): Government's motives; Hoping to see emphasis placed on Japan-U.S. security alliance; To respect local residents' desires in resolving the pending issue

YOMIURI (Page 2) (Slightly abridged)

November 23, 1999

Around 1:00 p.m. on the 22nd, a telephone call came from Okinawa Governor Inamine to Chief Cabinet Secretary Aoki who was then in the Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei). Inamine told Aoki: "I will hold a press conference now to announce a candidate site."

In response, Aoki said in a polite manner: "We would like to express our thanks to the efforts the Governor has made. We hope the most important event, discussion between you and Nago City, will proceed smoothly. While listening to your views, Mr. Inamine, we in the central government will exert ourselves to deal with the matter."

With the long stalled Futenma base relocation issue now moving forward, Chief Cabinet Secretary Aoki and other government officials involved all alike appeared relieved that day.

Touching on Governor Inamine's decision on the designation of a candidate relocation site for the United States forces' Futenma Air Station, the central government stated, "It carries great significance in security terms." The reason given was: "If the presence of the U.S. Forces in Japan (USFJ) in Okinawa is retained with the agreement of the Okinawa citizens, we can secure the U.S. forces' deterrent capability" (government source).

Governor Inamine, despite anti-U.S. and anti-military base sentiments deep-seated among the prefectural people, made a penetrating remark during a press conference on the 22nd in this way:

"My understanding of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty is that it not only is a bilateral alliance but is also an important international relationship that contributes closely to the stability and development of Asia and the Pacific."

This comment received high marks from central government officials.

His designating a candidate site will have a powerful influence on Japan-U.S. ties, which have at times been strained in dealing with the base problem.

The return of the Futenma airfield is at the core of the realignment and reduction plan for U.S. military bases included in the final report issued by the Special Action Committee on Okinawa (SACO). The concern heard in the Japanese Government until recently was that "if there is no progress in the base issue from now on, it will simply help increase U.S. distrust of Japan, thereby worsening bilateral ties." The Foreign Ministry takes the view that "[With his decision on a candidate site], we can set the stage to promote preparations for next year's Okinawa Summit (Group of Eight industrialized economies summit)."

The situation now has taken a pace forward, but still a mountain of challenges lie ahead of a final settlement.

Chief Cabinet Secretary Aoki remains cautious, reiterating, "I would like to continue to watch carefully how the Okinawa prefectural government will coordinate views with Nago City." What has made him that cautious is the fact that there is a difference of opinion between Nago City that is picked as a relocation site for the Futenma base and Okinawa prefectural government officials over conditions for accepting the base relocation plan. There also is strong allergy remaing among residents to a relocation within the prefecture.

What to do about the noise and environmental problems after the Futenma functions are transferred to Nago City also remains as a major task to deal with in the months ahead.

Coordination is also required over construction methods for an alternate heliport. There is a gulf between the opinions of the pro-relocation group. Observers predict that Mayor Tateo Kishimoto of Nago City, when he announces in late December he will accept a military base relocation plan, will not refer to construction methods. Considering these circumstances, the governments of Japan and the U.S. are placed in a situation where they must start negotiations before requests are all in from local residents.

In addition, there is the need to address such tasks as specific economic incentives for the region and a set of assistance measures for the use of the site after the Futenma base is relocated. More important, the problems closely connected with the operation of the U.S. troops, such as the setting of a time-limit use, still remain to be solved.

Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Deputy Secretary General Hiromu Nonaka, who as chief cabinet secretary worked on the Okinawa base issue, gave a speech at a party for a New Komeito lower-house member at a hotel in Naha City on the 21st. In it, he stated: "I would like all of you to give us your support so that Japan as host nation can have a successful Okinawa Summit in 2000."

Now that the year 2000 is set as "the year of Okinawa" (government source), what is the best way to bring about a final settlement of the Futenma issue, while respecting the desires of local residents? The Obuchi Government will soon face a test of its capabilities.

[Kohei Kawashima of the Political Department]

(to be continued)

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(13) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: U.S. State Department to launch taskforce to deal with Futenma problem

FORESIGHT

November 1999

The United States Department of States is likely to establish a taskforce before year's end to handle the Futenma problem. The team will be composed of ten or so experts from the State Department and the Department of Defense (DOD).

The major objective is to exchange information and to facilitate communication with the State Department, DOD, American Embassy in Japan, and local governments in Okinawa, timed with growing debates on the return of U.S. bases prior to the Okinawa Summit next July. With a watchful eye on Okinawa's trends, the taskforce is expected to work directly on local governments and citizens, bypassing the Japanese Government.

Originally the State Department had planned to institute such a taskforce early next year, but that has suddenly been moved up to 1999. The reason is because members of a think tank to study post-reversion problems will visit Washington in early December. In addition, there is an observation that a large number of private groups in Okinawa will begin visiting Washington early next year. Questions remain, however, if the taskforce will be launched in time for a visit to Washington by the first Okinawa mission. A State Department official clearly indicated that the Department would totally cooperate with delegations from Okinawa. This clearly illustrates that the U.S. Government attaches utmost importance to Okinawa's intention to resolve the base problem.

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(14) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: JDA has started work on new personnel appointments; Vice Minister Ema may retire in January

FORESIGHT (Full)

November 1999

Last year, when the cover-up of a breach of trust incident was detected, three high-ranked Defense Agency (JDA) officials, including the administrative vice minister, had to resign. This October, bid-rigging practices by oil wholesalers involving JDA came to light, causing another major shock in the agency. But since JDA has not been hit again by prosecutors this year, it has begun its usual work of selecting the next lineup of senior officials.

Although Administrative Vice Minister Seiji Ema, who was brought over from the Cabinet Security and Crisis Management Office last November, was expected to serve in his present post until next July, it has informally been decided to have him retire next January.

The outlook is that the names of those newly assigned will be announced for all senior positions at once. It is certain that Defense Policy Bureau Director General Ken Sato (Finance Ministry class of 1966) will succeed Ema as vice minister. Defense Facilities Administration Agency (DFAA) Director General Keiji Omori (JDA class of 1968) will likely move up to succeed Sato.

What is being watched carefully is who will replace Omori. Everyone expects that either Finance Bureau chief Shingo Shuto (JDA class of 1969) or Defense Operation Bureau head Kyoji Yanagisawa (JDA class of 1970) will succeed Omori. Director General of the Minister's Secretariat Takemasa Moriya (JDA class of 1971), who was promoted to the current post from director general of the DFAA Facilities Department, will most likely remain in his present post.

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(15) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: Issue of the Agriculture Ministry's unaccounted funds could spill over into the political world

FORESIGHT (Full)

November 1999

The Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office Special Investigation Department will likely carry out a re-investigation possibly later this year on the issue of unaccounted funds connected to the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries' (MAFF) Agricultural Structure Improvement Bureau. It will hear the facts from persons allegedly involved in the issue.

Former MAFF minister Shoichi Nakagawa has already given oral admonition to five officials who had received money and other gifts. Over 10 persons from ministry-affiliated public corporations and companies who offered such gifts are already investigated by the Special Investigation Department.

It is said that floating around the ministry is a mysterious document with rumors in it about a certain non-career official who works at the Kanto Agricultural Policy Bureau. It is also reported that: "A political source has put pressure on the Personnel Division to return that official to the Kasumigaseki district [ministry headquarters]" (official of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors' Office).

The official reportedly received money and goods from a certain industrial association and passed them along to persons in the political world. Depending on the testimony of the official, suspicions of secret payoffs may spread to members of the agricultural policy clique in the Diet. As it stands, both MAFF and political circles at Nagata-cho are now watching carefully every little thing the prosecutors' office does.

There is a view that the money that has passed hands reached 10 to 20 billion yen. If such allegations become a criminal case, it is certain that it will affect the future tenure of Administrative Vice Minister Yuki Takagi, who is now in his second year in that position. It also could have a major impact on the plans of the ruling coalition, which aims at maintaining a stable majority by dissolving the Lower House and calling a general election early next year.

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(16) MAGAZINE ARTICLE: Matsuoka, Matsushita control agricultural administration

FORESIGHT (Full)

November 1999

Not too many people know that Toshikatsu Matsuoka, chairman of the Lower House Committee on Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, serves also as chairman of the Agricultural Basic Policy Subcommittee of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). It had been the practice for LDP members to leave a party's post when they assumed the post of a Lower House committee chairman. Matsuoka is now serving in two important posts, however.

Matsuoka has been supported by Takami Eto, chairman of the Eto-Kamei faction and the top advisor to the General Agricultural Policy Research Council. Under the protection of Eto, who is known as the watchdog of agricultural policy, Matsuoka steadily has risen to become a powerful figure in agricultural administration. He is likely to have a stronger political voice regarding agricultural policy.

Former parliamentary vice agriculture minister Tadahiro Matsushita has assumed the post of chairman of the LDP Agriculture and Forestry Division. Matsuoka and Matsushita are acknowledged to be close friends. The two have the same highhanded political method. It is only a matter of time until they control agricultural administration.

The basic stance of MFAA is similar to the LDP's. Agricultural issues are referred to LDP conferences whenever the government decides. It is likely that the LDP will not be able to decide before it consults with Matsuoka and Matsushita.

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